By Tony Smith
Regardless of the overpowering competition at the left to the conflict in Iraq, many admired liberals supported the struggle on humanitarian grounds. They argued that the struggle might rid the realm of a brutal dictator and free up the Iraqi humans from totalitarian oppression, paving the best way for a democratic transformation of the rustic. In A Pact with the satan Tony Smith deftly lines this indisputable waft in mainstream liberal pondering towards a extra militant posture in global affairs with admire to human rights and democracy promoting. starting with the Wilsonian quest to ‘make the realm secure for democracy’ correct as much as the current day liberal help for regime switch, Smith isolates top strands of liberal internationalist pondering with a purpose to see how the ‘liberal hawks’ developed them right into a case for American and liberal imperialism within the heart East. the result's a mirrored image on a massive element of the highbrow background of yankee overseas coverage; setting up how a worldly staff of thinkers got here to type their techniques to Washington and dealing to determine what function liberalism should still play in deliberations within the kingdom on its function in international occasions now that the failure of those objectives in Iraq turns out transparent.
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Additional resources for A Pact with the Devil: Washington's Bid for World Supremacy and the Betrayal of the American Promise
What then happens to the promise of freedom is anyone’s guess. It is naïve to think this war is about liberation when first it is about conquest. Or are these three authors hypocrites, knowing very well that what they are saying is only for public consumption, and that for them, too, the success of the American conquest is what matters most? In either case, whether naïve or hypocritical, these saints may usefully serve the ends of scoundrels. A further reason to be leery of Friedman, Buruma, and Margalit’s contribution to the war of ideas is that their assertions arise from a deeper complex of liberal internationalist ideology, what I referred to as the priestly arguments, which is problematic in its formulation.
With it, President George W. Bush set out a framework for American conduct in security terms in world affairs in a series of statements beginning in June 2002 in his commencement address at West Point and culminating in the publication of the National Security Strategy (NSS) of the United States in September 17, 2002. Three and a half years later, in the National Security Strategy of March 2006, President Bush reconfirmed his policy orientation. In terms of originality and boldness, what was quickly known as the Bush Doctrine took its place with the hallmark declarations of purpose in the American foreign policy tradition, a point that needs to be insisted upon against those who would label it as no more than updated Wilsonianism.
8 The neoconservative branch of the Republican Party kept alive the idea of the importance of American primacy in security matters as it was expressed in the DPG and the DS during the Clinton years. Through The Weekly Standard, founded in 1995, and the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), founded in 1997—both handsomely backed up by, among others, the conservative think tank, the American Enterprise Institute—William Kristol and Robert Kagan were particularly instrumental in articulating ideas that were faithful to this design of 1992–1993.