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By INGE BRINKMAN IN COOPERATION WITH ANNE-LOT HOEK.

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The first was a move towards secularisation. In its initial phase, SNV’s history was marked by tense but intensive relations between state and private initiatives (Chapter ). The s, however, saw a secularisation of development in a narrower sense: formal cooperation between private and state initiatives ended and in  private organisations went their own ways. In the field too, SNV’s connections with missionary and church development work ended in many regions; although these changes were more gradual (Chapter ).

The direct reactions to the strikes of the s focused on redressing the behaviour of juvenile delinquents in the colonial towns through social welfare programmes. By the end of the s however, the emphasis came to lie in Community Development, a model from which the entire population was to benefit and not only specific groups within society. The aim was to stimulate the economic development of the rural majority, although the approach did not intend to protect the poorest or most vulnerable in society but raise levels of wealth, health and education in a community.

The old imperialism—exploitation for foreign profit—has no place in our plans. 12 This Point Four Program, as it was later called, was presented as a break with the past as Truman referred to a dichotomy between the ‘old imperialism’ and his own ‘bold new program’. This was also implied in a new set of words that 11 Donald S. Moore, ‘The crucible of cultural politics: Reworking “Development” in Zimbabwe’s eastern highlands’, American Ethnologist  (), pp. – (quotes pp. , ). 12 Quoted in: Gilbert Rist, The history of development from Western origins to global faith (London / New York, ), pp.

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