By Julia Gerlach
Why have large-scale protests and mass demonstrations in a few post-socialist Eurasian states ended in the autumn of autocratic leaders, while related different regimes succeed? This publication addresses the query through offering an summary of 8 instances of so-called colour Revolutions, and explains elements of ‘success’ and ‘failure’ through discussing the state of the art within the political technological know-how discourse on colour Revolutions. It concludes through summarizing and contextualizing the result of the research and highlighting open learn for political technology at the subject of colour Revolutions.
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Extra resources for Color Revolutions in Eurasia
Even before the elections, the opposition warned about potential electoral fraud, which was then verified by monitors, reported to the authorities in charge, and relayed to the public. With this strategy, the opposition triggered large-scale protest. The power of the masses criticizing electoral fraud and the use of non-violent tactics to demand the right for free and fair elections was intended to undermine the legitimacy of the regime. In all successful Color Revolutions, police and security forces did not use ultimate force to oppose the protestors, even when tent cities were established like in Kiev, or when protesters stormed government buildings and media stations like in Belgrade, 36 3 Explaining Color Revolutions Tbilisi, or Bishkek.
Innovative ideas tend to appear in optimal settings and then often migrate to less optimal situation were failure can be inevitable (Bunce and Wolchik 2010: 37)—unless actors manage to adapt the model to the new environment and make it ‘homegrown’. Another factor in the failure of a previously successful model is that the mechanism of diffusion is not limited to promoting democratic change: there is also authoritarian diffusion, meaning the spread of an authoritarian counter-model. The framework of authoritarian diffusion was outlined by Thomas Ambrosio as shown in Fig.
These informal ties represent legacies of patrimonial communism that survived the change of formal institutions. The focus of the studies is on the president as both an actor and a structural feature of the regime type. 1 Conceptualizing Color Revolutions 31 typical of patronal presidentialism, because of the influence of informal networks. Patron–client networks are highly sensitive: the patron only backs clients as long as he benefits from them; and the clients only support him as long as he is strong and able to guarantee their position, both economically and politically.