By Marshall Foletta
William Tudor, Willard Phillips, and Richard Henry Dana weren't their fathers' Federalists. whilst those younger New England intellectuals and their contemporaries tried to carve out a spot for themselves within the speedily altering and more and more unfriendly tradition of the early 19th century, the main to their efforts used to be the founding, in 1815, of the North American Review.Raised as Federalists, and inspired to think they'd designated obligations as "the clever and the good," they got here of age inside of a cultural and political weather that now not deferred to males of their schooling and heritage. yet in contrast to their fathers, who retreated in disgust ahead of the rising forces of democracy, those younger Federalist intellectuals attempted to conform their mom and dad' ideology to the hot political and social realities and look after for themselves a spot because the first public intellectuals in the United States. In Coming to phrases with Democracy, Marshall Foletta contends that by means of calling for a brand new American literature of their magazine, the second-generation Federalists helped American readers cut loose from imported neo-classical criteria, hence paving the means for the yankee Renaissance. regardless of their failure to reconstitute within the cultural sphere their fathers' misplaced political prominence, Foletta concludes that the unique individuals to the North American assessment have been greatly influential either within the production of the function of the yank public highbrow, and within the improvement of a imaginative and prescient for the yank collage that the majority historians position in a a lot later interval. they've got earned a sought after position within the background of yankee literature, magazines and journals, legislations and criminal schooling, institutional reform, and the cultural historical past of latest England.
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Extra resources for Coming to Terms With Democracy: Federalist Intellectuals and the Shaping of an American Culture
Many criticized Adams’s position on tariffs and internal improvements, were disappointed in his use of the patronage powers, and expressed some residual resentment for his betrayal in 1808. ’’ But he was increasingly disheartened by the ‘‘total want of talent . . of energy and political courage, on the part of Mr. ’’ 64 Mills retired from the Senate in 1828 and returned, like Otis, to Boston having failed to reestablish the inﬂuence of Boston Federalism. But if in returning to Boston they hoped to ﬁnd more sympathetic political waters, they were mistaken.
In between the integration of John Quincy Adams and the alienation of Henry Adams stood William Tudor and George Ticknor, Edward and Alexander Everett, Jared Sparks, William Hickling Prescott, and several other young Federalists anxious to preserve their Federalist heritage and stake out a place for the intellectual in American life. The story of these young Federalists thus holds meaning at a variety of levels. For students of American politics, it offers something on the history of the ﬁrst party system and the resilience of its political ideology.
To a certain extent Republicans attacked the Federalist opposition in traditional ideological terms. The restricted participation and secret meetings were condemned, for example, as typical Federalist elitism. But just as often Republicans twisted the debate and used the Federalists’ own principles to condemn their current actions. Federalists were criticized as animated by ‘‘the spirit of party’’ and guided by narrow parochial interests. Not among these, ironically, was a concern for the public debt.